I like Canadians, I especially like charismatic ones, so I wrote an essay about them.
‘Redeeming Love Broke Into My Soul’: The Intimacy and Ecstasy of Canadian
Protestant Evangelicalism
By Hannah Barr
‘Redeeming
love broke into my soul with repeated scriptures with such power, that my whole
soul seemed to be melted down with love; the burden of guilt and condemnation
was gone, darkness was expelled, my heart humbled and filled with gratitude.’[1]
These words are from the journal of Henry Alline, an eighteenth century
Protestant evangelical preacher whose emotional brand of Christianity and
theology of intense Saviour-saved relationship transformed the Protestant face
of Nova Scotia, instigating a religious revival. Since then, Canada has been
witness to a spate of religious revivals prompted by Protestant evangelicalism.
Such a form of Christianity can be expressed in one word: passion. Passion for
God, passion for personal transformation and passion for Canada itself. Such
passion, present in the congregations Alline ministered to, has endured through
the centuries and is just as evident today in the Protestant evangelical groups
worshiping in Canada. The sentiment of redeeming love has not waned, neither
has the desire for revival.
The poster
boy for Canadian Protestant evangelicalism is not a Canadian at all, rather a
native of Newport, Rhode Island. Born in 1748, Henry Alline ‘moved in 1760 with
his parents to Falmouth in the Minas Basin region of Nova Scotia…there was
little in his rural upbringing in Nova Scotia that would even suggest that
Alline would develop into the province’s most gifted teacher and prolific
hymn-writer.’[2]
Rawlyk, the eminent historian on Alline, presents the trauma of Alline’s
conversion: ‘Alline experienced a profound spiritual and psychological
crisis…his traumatic “New Birth” was significantly shaped by his finely
developed morbid introspection, his fear of imminent death, and by the considerable
pressure he felt to commit himself one way or another during the early months
of the American Revolutionary struggle.’[3]
Thus, it is clear from Rawlyk’s description that emotion played a decisive role
in Alline’s spiritual life.
Such appeal
to emotion forms the foundation of Alline’s relationship with God, thereby
creating a religious life with intimacy with the divine as its core tenet. In
his journal, Alline waxes lyrical about God, saying he was ‘attracted by the
love and beauty I saw in his divine perfections, my soul was inexpressibly
ravished with the blessed Redeemer.’[4]
Vernacular such as ‘ravished’ seems more appropriate to a lustful relationship,
not between Creator and created. Alline’s language articulates the romantically-intense
language prevalent in the Bible books such as Song of Songs and Hosea, and the
emotional rawness predominant in the Psalms. This emotional connection became
the impetus behind Alline’s evangelism: ‘I spent the greatest part of the night
in ecstasies of joy, praising and adoring the Ancient of Days, for his free and
unbounded grace, and rejoicing that God was about to send me with messages of
peace, and the glad tidings of salvation to my fellow men; and thought, if I
had a thousand tongues, I could employ them all to spread the Redeemer’s name,
and to make manifest the wonders of redeeming love!’[5]
Whilst
Alline has been described as Canada’s George Whitefield, his influence has not
extended beyond his Maritimes area of influence. The same can be said for
Phoebe Palmer whose ‘remarkable ministry in the Maritime Provinces in general,
and western New Brunswick in particular, has received surprisingly little
attention from religious scholars – either in the past or the present.’[6]
Palmer demonstrated an identical emphasis to Alline on the power of God and the
tangibility of the Redeemer’s love on the soul. In the summer of 1858, Palmer
preached at a camp meeting near Woodstock, New Brunswick. At the gathering,
‘many were converted to evangelical Christianity, and almost as many
experienced, for the first time, “the baptism of the Holy Spirit.”[7]
Once again, the notion of personal experience is key to the experience of
evangelical Christians, in this case, experience of the Holy Spirit. Palmer
wrote, ‘never have we witnessed a more extraordinary demonstration of the fact
that our God loves to take the weak things of this world to confound the
mighty.’[8]
Palmer’s
words reveal a profound motivation in her preaching and religious life; firstly,
the community of believers is implicit in ‘our God’ and secondly, that human
weakness is to be celebrated for it is the condition in which humans can be
used by God. This rejoicing in weakness is evident yet again in a
newly-converted evangelical preacher, G. W. MacDonald: ‘my struggling eased,
and my soul rested on the bosom of Jesus as a poor weary child, wearied of its
loving mother. Such rest, only to be experienced, never to be fully told.’[9] Ubiquitous
in Alline, Palmer, MacDonald and the countless other evangelical preachers in
Canada from the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century is the total
surrender to the intangible notion of love somehow made tangible by the divine
in their lives. Equally abundant was the desire to preach that love.
The New
Light movement, on which Alline’s influence had been remarkable , transformed
the Christian landscape of nineteenth century Nova Scotia, (which then
encompassed contemporary Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island).
In 1871, the ‘New Light-Calvinist majority and a Free Christian minority,
reached the zenith of their influence and power in the Canadian Maritimes.’[10]
In terms of theology, ‘along with their stress on conversion, these
evangelicals also were marked by Biblicism (a reliance on the Bible as ultimate
religious authority), activism (a concern for sharing the faith), and
crucicenticism (a focus on Christ’s redeeming work on the cross).[11]
The
evangelical meetings led by Alline, his contemporaries and his successors,
operated in stark contrast to popular notions of church with their traditional
church buildings, formality and, above all, their structure. Meetings were not
confined to Sunday mornings, nor to buildings, often taking place in fields,
deliberately isolated from larger settlements. Itinerant preachers were
employed to travel from camp meeting to camp meeting, sometimes building up a
quasi-cult following, á la Alline. The informality of the meeting set-up was
the polar opposite to the established church protocols. Protestant evangelicalism
was the antithesis to the overwhelmingly stuffy Church of England in Canada. The
resentment of colonialism was to the benefit of evangelical preachers; ‘the
artisans, tradesmen, and farmers who originally settled [Canada] had little
interest in building a society in which their social better would lord it over
them. This left them highly sympathetic to evangelicalism in general… – an egalitarian, emotional form of
Christianity preached in the language of ordinary people.’[12]
The
doctrine preached at the revival meetings was one of passion and emotion;
systematic and academic theology was rendered obsolete in light of the Light,
the presence of the Holy Spirit. First and foremost, the Holy Spirit inspired a
new birth or conversion, an experience open to anyone regardless of age or
gender. Believers spoke animatedly and fervently of their conversions. Egerton
Ryerson recalled his conversion experience at the age of twelve, thus: ‘”my
consciousness of guilt and sinfulness…was humbling, oppressive and
distressing,” and was finally relieved when he “simply trusted in Christ, and
looked to Him for a present salvation; and, as I looked up in my bed, the light
appeared to my mind.”’[13]
The importance of experience of conversion and the Holy Spirit was nowhere more
prevalent than at revivalist camp meetings.
Camp
meetings prevailed where church services did not: ‘for the ordinary British
North American whose world was defined not by the written word but by oral
communication,’[14]
such a style of meeting was tailored for the masses. They were
emotionally-charged events, rurally located and the natural settings were
stressed to meet the end that ‘there were no artificial mediators between the
individual and God.’[15]
One example of such a camp meeting was that of Hay Bay on the Bay of Quinte,
Upper Canada in 1803. The Holy Spirit was the camp’s “headline act” which the
itinerant preacher present, Nathan Bangs, described as God communicating with
the converted by ‘sending “shocks” to the people.’[16]
As evangelical theology dictated, ‘the relationship between the communicant and
God was both direct and personal.’[17]
What is fascinating about Bangs’ description of the mass meeting at Hay Bay is
the physicality of people’s experiences: preachers having to be held down
whilst they responded to the Holy Spirit; ‘the groans of the wounded, the
shouts of the delivered, the prayers of the faithful, the exhortations of the
courageous penetrated the very heavens, and reverberated through the
neighbourhood.’[18]
Furthermore,
the camp was characterised by its inclusivity, whereby preachers and laypeople
were equal in exhorting people to come to faith. One of the delightful parts of
Bangs’ description is his account of the emotion and atmosphere of the meeting
drawing people in: ‘progressively, those who had hung about on the outskirts of
the camp, viewing it merely as spectacle to jeer at, were brought into the
“square” throng of the redeemed.’[19] Hay
Bay was open: in participation, in who was saved, in expression – ‘here was a
religious culture which encouraged the free expression of the humble and
marginal people who possessed little power in colonial society.’[20] What
is evident is the multifaceted nature of God’s love which prevailed at these
mass camps. At its core, it was a love between Redeemer and redeemed, a
personal, intimate spark which heralded a personal transformation. On a
community level, the confidence in the experience of God created a cohesive
community, founded on a principle of equality, which spurred believers on to
establish an identity which was profoundly anti-establishment.
There were
two faces of Protestantism in British North America: Anglicanism and
evangelicalism; religion of the head and religion of the heart; pawn of the
establishment and pet of the revivalists. Evangelicalism’s usurping of the
established church did not go unnoticed by the Anglican authorities. The first
Anglican Bishop of Nova Scotia, the Right Reverend Charles Inglis, described
the religious situation he presided in as a time of ‘rage and delusion.’[21] Anglicanism’s
fundamental weakness was its lack of appeal ‘among the humbler classes’[22]
and was ‘fully aware that evangelicalism, as a popular expression, was the
dominant vehicle by which established notions of an orderly, stable, and
hierarchical society were being challenged and transformed.’[23] Evangelicalism,
the religion of the heart, endowed the individual believer with a power to
stand up to colonial power and in turn, to try and establish an identity
outside of British and American ideology. Revivalism therefore, in standing up
to the established church, ‘involved the questioning of both received
traditions of theology, and prescriptive notions governing social and political
conduct.’[24]
Evangelicalism
appealed to the political situation of British North America in the way its
fervour and emphasis on identity in God contributed to easing transition from
British colony to Dominion. The term ‘dominion’ is a buzzword within
evangelical theology; it has connotations with the apocalyptic language present
in the biblical books of Daniel, Mark and Revelation with regards to the
Kingdom of God, and ‘the idea of Canada as “His Dominion” sparked the
Protestant imagination and provided symbolic coherence for a broadly-based
consensus…it expressed a determination to establish the Kingdom of God in the
new country and became a way of articulating a mission for the nations.’[25]
In many ways, the creation of Canada as we know it today is mimicked within the
evangelical fancy as the creation of the Garden of Eden. In fact, much like the
earliest missionaries to the continent, such as those from France, like Jean De
Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant for example, Canada was a new world which was the
perfect setting for a new garden, or a new Kingdom of God. As manifestation of
a new life for a new country, the personal transformations of the converted
were no longer confined to the individual’s spiritual life, but essential for
the creation of God’s Canada: ‘the faith must be experienced as a personal
relationship with Jesus Christ and must be manifested in a disciplined life of
increasing holiness.’[26]
The birth
of the new nation of Canada was a prime opportunity for evangelicalism to exert
its influence, and this can be seen in the emergence of new associations and
organisations adhering to evangelical theology; ‘the most visible of these was
the Salvation Army, a group which had grown out of the holiness movement.’[27]
These evangelical organisations were known for their sense of radical equality,
not just in their quasi-church structure where male and female preachers were
welcome and there was no discrimination based on age, but radical equality in
the sense of social justice and ethics. As evangelicalism became more
institutionalised, tangibly church-structured, it gave rise to the formation of
‘girls’ and boys’ clubs, youth groups, athletic teams, Sunday Schools,
concerts, socials, women’s meetings, benevolent societies, and temperance
societies.’[28]
Perhaps the
foremost way that this evangelical ethic was expressed was in the Social Gospel
movement. Its campaigns included temperance and the abolition of slavery. Mack
contends that ‘the origins of the Social Gospel movement in Canada are usually
traced to Queen’s University during the years in which George Monro Grant was
its principal and Primaritus Professor of Divinity.’[29] Grant
was a committed evangelical, who took seriously the Bible-centrism, a crucial
tenet in evangelical doctrine. In his exegesis of the Gospels and his personal
conviction of God’s forgiveness being available to all, Grant’s tenure at
Queen’s is marked by a commitment to the evangelical notion of radical equality
and expressing it through practical compassion. In a brave thesis, Mack argues,
‘it is hardly too much to say that the origins of the welfare state that
developed under the aegis of Prime Minister W. L. Mackenzie King in the
twentieth century are to be found…at Queen’s University, to which he felt a
life-long attachment.’[30]
It is certainly a bold statement to make, especially in view of the
discriminatory immigration policies supported by King during his premiership
which seem completely at odds with the humanitarianism upheld by the Social
Gospel Movement. Nevertheless, what can be taken from Mack’s thesis is the
far-reaching influence of evangelicalism, particularly how it pervaded the student
life at Queen’s University, which today retains a strong evangelical student
community.
Protestant
evangelicalism understood people. Perhaps the effect of personal conversion and
intimate relationship with God helped preachers to understand the needs of the
people they were preaching to, as well as how best to effectively communicate
their message of God’s love to the congregations they came across. If the key
aim of the evangelical meetings by itinerant preachers to the masses was
conversion, then the aim behind the meetings themselves was revival. As the
landscape of the country evolved, so did the nature of revivalist meetings,
from ad hoc outdoor camps, to meticulously crafted nights at the theatre where
preaching became a performance art. Just as the names Alline, Palmer and
MacDonald are important in Canadian Protestant history, so too are two
evangelists from the nineteenth century: Hugh Crossley and John Hunter.
Crossley and Hunter were the Fry and Laurie of evangelism, a formidable double
act regarded as ‘the foremost Canadian evangelistic team of its day.’[31]
Crossley
and Hunter were undeniably successful; ‘during their first year together,
according to one newspaper account, over 2500 people professed conversion. In
the course of one month-long campaign in Toronto, they held an estimated
fifty-five meetings and spoke to between 75,000 and 100,000 people.’[32]
Their message – experience the intimacy of God and the ecstasy of the Holy
Spirit – was the same as their predecessors, but their execution was new,
dynamic and manipulative. Under Crossley and Hunter, preaching became focused
on profit, the profit being the number of converted, thereby turning conversion
into a business venture. ‘Crossley and Hunter were among the first Conference
evangelists…professional revivalists [who] were ordained ministers who, instead
of taking a charge, engaged in preaching wherever they were invited.’[33] Thus,
a new era in evangelicalism was ushered in. Ironically, for a denomination
focused on transformation, the new methods it employed in proselytising saw a
backwards transformation. Whereas previous revivalist groups sought to
transform people away from the establishment, the evangelism of Crossley and
Hunter did nothing to transform their congregations away from the pervading
commercialism engulfing Canadian life – the life they were preaching against.
Crossley
and Hunter were evangelism entrepreneurs who overtook local theatres where once
their predecessors had overtaken fields. Their campaign in an Ottawa theatre in
1888 overshadowed their previous evangelistic successes. Attended by members of
Parliament and senators, and even the Prime Minister, Sir John A. Macdonald
himself, Crossley and Hunter took revivalism to a whole new level. As one
newspaper reported, ‘”when in answer to an appeal by Mr Hunter that all who
wished to become Christians and desired the prayers of the audience would stand
up, the premier of the Dominion…arose with his wife…many strong men bowed their
heads and wept for joy. The right honourable gentlemen himself was deeply
affected.’[34]
To inspire the conversion of the Prime Minister ‘set a seal of approval on
Crossley and Hunter’s work and garnered them a public image that eclipsed that
of their Canadian colleagues.’[35]
The pair of
them became stars independent of their jobs, their missionary tactics were more
akin to those of performers than of proselytisers. Hunter was a charismatic
preacher in the most non-theological sense of word; ‘as the last notes of the
closing song faded into silence, Hunter stepped behind the pulpit and opened
the meeting with prayer. He then embarked on a ten minute dramatic discourse,
loosely based on a passage of the Bible. It was often sprinkled, as a reporter
in Chicago observed, “with stories of a humorous nature, frequently starting
hearty bursts of laughter.”’[36] Crossley
would then take over with a “Song Sermon” and after an emotionally-charged
appeal to the audience to accept Christ, both of them ‘would then walk up and
down the aisles, aid Christians who were pleading with their unrepentant
relatives and friends.’[37]
What is crucial here is the language used to describe the revival meetings led
by Hunter and Crossley; it was not for a congregation, a community of equals,
but for an audience. It was not
taking place in neutral space, but rather in a theatre with aisles where there is division between
the stage and the seats, division between the preachers and the masses. By the
nineteenth century, the intimacy between God and believer had been replaced by
performer and audience member, and the ecstasy of the influence of the divine
was corrupted by the adrenaline of performance and showmanship.
The census
of 1941 confirmed one thing: ‘that the greatest era in Canadian national and
religious life – the era of “His Dominion” – had closed.’[38]
However, at the end of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first century,
evangelicalism itself was the receiver of a new birth, not just its adherents.
‘If the New Birth defined the essence of evangelism during the first century of
the history of [evangelicalism]…the charismatic movement…may be at the centre
of the evangelical kaleidoscope in the early twenty-first century.’[39]
In the 1980s and 1990s, the evangelical vernacular underwent a makeover, “new
birth” became “born again” and “ravished by the Spirit” evolved into the slightly
more nuanced ‘discovering real peace of mind, real happiness.’[40]
The desire of this new evangelicalism was not just for conversion of new
people, but for the transformation of existing Christians, these Christians
‘wanted the charismatic extra – the “Holy Ghost jolt” – which they knew could
revolutionise all Christianity.’[41]
The Holy
Ghost jolt was most keenly felt in Toronto in the early 1990s in what is now
known colloquially as the Toronto Blessing, ‘a charismatic renewal movement
begun in early 1994 in an abandoned factory building near the Pearson Airport.’[42]
Attendants reported feeling the coming of the Holy Spirit as a tangible
experience, such as shaking arms and praying in tongues. Like Hay Bay a century
before, the events of the Toronto Blessing were all about the intimacy and the ecstasy.
James Pooley[43],
minister of a church in England, was recommended by the Church Army to go to
Toronto with the vicar at the church where he was a curate. He says, ‘I was
aware that quite a few of the church were worried. They had read about the
Toronto Blessing in the newspapers, (barking, roaring, etc) and were worried
that the vicar [and I] were going to come back and ‘zap’ them.’[44]
In an interview, Pooley’s pre-visit scepticism was nuanced, stating ‘I had been
to charismatic services in the past with the vicar where he had gone down (been
overcome by the Spirit) but I had never gone down in my life so my agenda was
that in Toronto he would go down but I would not.’[45]
When asked
to describe the style and organisation of the services he attended in Toronto, Pooley’s
description bears many similarities with that of the service structures of
Hunter and Crossley: ‘sung worship, time of repentance, time of waiting on God,
time of sharing and then thirty minutes of prayer in response to the sharing.’[46]
What is especially interesting about Pooley’s experiences of the meetings is
that he found the preaching to be ‘rather shallow’[47]
which suggests that in evolving to a more charismatic profession, the
evangelicalism of the twentieth century had lost part of its Bible-centeredness
out of the desire for tangible experience of God. This is further implied by Pooley
when he says that ‘many of the hymns focused on the Holy Spirit with less emphasis
on the Father and Son.’[48]
Nevertheless, for Pooley, his week was characterised by the presence of the
Holy Spirit. Just some of the
experiences he had of the Holy Spirit he described thus: ‘I went down, which
itself was quite a surprise to me as that had not been what I expected. I found
my jaws shuddering and also that my head “velcroed” to the floor – I could not lift
it up…Night Four: a very different experience in that I was allowed to be a
“catcher”…I almost went down twice while I was meant to be catching and found
myself telling God to leave me alone until I had finished my catching duty.’[49]
It is Pooley’s
description of his final night which is the most poignant; he recalls from his
journals: ‘Oh boy! I went down twice tonight…I stood on one of the lines,
closed my eyes and heard someone say “Over to this one.” I just had enough time
to wonder why they had come over to me before I went down. I then experienced
what I can only describe as waves of God’s love wash over me and I started to
pant (it reminded me of what [my wife] had gone through when she was in
labour). This seemed to go on for ages, then stop only to start again. In the
end I found myself begging God to stop as I felt I was going to explode.’[50] Pooley’s
experience of the Holy Spirit was profoundly physical and very much consistent
with the intimacy and ecstasy felt and subsequently preached like Alline and
then Palmer at Hay Bay. For Pooley, who went to Toronto with the assumption
that he would not have a physical experience with the Holy Spirit, he came away
having had what could aptly be described as a skirmish with the Holy Spirit. It
was a transforming experience; ‘I came away with an incredible sense of God’s
love for me and his love for all people. Throughout the week I had also
experienced an ache in my heart for people. Then on the final evening for me I
was absolutely blown away by an intense physical manifestation – something I
had never experienced before.’ Ultimately for Pooley the most important
personal transformation was not the physicality of the God-human relationship
but its intimacy, namely the love of God, ‘I really need to help others
discover that love for themselves.’[51]
Twenty
years later, and the love of God is the core message behind the sermon at the
charismatic evangelical church, All Nations in Ottawa. Its website describes
itself as ‘a vibrant community of people devoted completely to Jesus Christ. He
is our Saviour, our Healer, our Joy, and our Promise; everything we do is
wrapped up in Him.’[52]
The language is reminiscent of Alline, the motivating theology thoroughly and
authentically evangelical. A Sunday service features over an hour of sung
worship, often interrupted with emotional testimonies, loud and passionate
bursts of glossalia, song sermons in the vein of Crossley and physical
manifestations of the Holy Spirit. Like its evangelical heritage,
transformation and relationship are emphasised stating ‘through the foundations
of Christ and the work of the Holy Spirit, we believe that all areas of life
are transformed by the love of God: individuals, families, communities, cities
and nations.’[53]
However,
for All Nations Church, there is one nation in particular which is the focus of
many personal testimonies and prophesies, that nation is Canada. Prophesies
about revival in Canada formed a large part of both the ministry time and the
sermon itself. All members of the congregation regardless of age, gender or
nationality, spoke ardently about their belief that the Holy Spirit was already
beginning to take over Canada and transform it. Their prayers emphasised
relationship with God and experience of the Holy Spirit; intimacy and the
ecstasy. As one of All Nations’ members wrote, following a service, on
Facebook: “Canada is getting saved folks! The harvest is ripe and Jesus has
deployed his workers.”
Protestant
evangelicalism in Canada has not changed in its essence since the revivalist
movements of the Alline era. There is still a strong desire for a conversion
borne out of a personal and tangible new birth experience and there remains a
theology of physicality, emotional and bodily, in ideas about God and the Holy
Spirit. Neither has the sense of urgency for revival and transformation changed.
Canadian evangelicalism is about a total overwhelming body and soul experience
and establishment of a strong and intimate relationship with the divine. The
love of God is personified as a mighty force, with almost a personality, a
wilfulness, as befits Alline’s description of redeeming love breaking or
forcing its way into his soul. Evangelicalism in Canada has at its very core
intimacy and ecstasy, a life-changing, soul-transforming, overwhelming
experience.
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1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co., 1990).
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H., Selected Writings, Rawlyk, G.,
(ed.), (Paulist Press, 1987).
Pooley,
H., Interview recorded by email, 17/03/2013.
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N., ‘”In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion”: Popular Religion and the
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(Welch Publishing Co., 1990).
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J. & Hamilton, M., ‘Methodist Revivalism in France, Canada, and the United
States’ in Amazing Grace: Evangelism in
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M., ‘Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety and the Evangelical Social
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1990).
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K., Revivalists: Marketing the Gospel in
English Canada, 1884-1957, (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006),
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B., ‘Of Canadian Presbyterians and Guardian Angels’ in Amazing Grace: Evangelism in Australia, Britain, Canada and the United
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M., ‘Introduction’ in Amazing Grace:
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& Noll, M., (eds), (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994).
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G., Is Jesus Your Personal Saviour? In
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G., Ravished by the Spirit: Religious
Revivals, Baptists, and Henry Alline, (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University
Press, 1984).
Rawlyk,
G., ‘The Holiness Movement and Canadian Maritime Baptists,’ in Amazing Grace: Evangelism in Australia,
Britain, Canada and the United States, Rawlyk, G., & Noll, M., (eds),
(McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994).
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J., ‘Who Whom? Evangelicalism in Canadian Society’ in Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience, Rawlyk, G., (ed.),
(McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997).
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[1]
Alline, H., Selected Writings,
Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Paulist Press, 1987), p.86.
[2]
Rawlyk, G., Ravished by the Spirit: Religious Revivals,
Baptists, and Henry Alline, (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press,
1984), p.3
[3] Ibid.
p.4.
[4]
Alline, H., Selected Writings,
Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Paulist Press, 1987), p.87.
[5] Ibid.
p.89.
[6] Rawlyk,
G., ‘The Holiness Movement and Canadian Maritime Baptists,’ in Amazing Grace: Evangelism in Australia,
Britain, Canada and the United States, Rawlyk, G., & Noll, M., (eds),
(McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), p.299.
[7]
Ibid p.300.
[8] Ibid
p.300.
[9]
Ibid p.302.
[10]Ibid
p.293.
[11] Noll,
M., ‘Introduction’ in Amazing Grace:
Evangelism in Australia, Britain, Canada and the United States, Rawlyk, G.,
& Noll, M., (eds), (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), p.17.
[12]
Deming, J. & Hamilton, M., ‘Methodist Revivalism in France, Canada, and the
United States’ in Amazing Grace:
Evangelism in Australia, Britain, Canada and the United States, Rawlyk, G.,
& Noll, M., (eds), (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), p.134.
[13]
Gauvreau, M., ‘Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety and the Evangelical
Social Vision, 1815-1867’ in The Canadian
Protestant Experience, 1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co.,
1990), p.49.
[14]
Christie, N., ‘”In These Times of Democratic Rage and Delusion”: Popular
Religion and the Challenge to the Established Order, 1760-1815’ in The Canadian Protestant Experience,
1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co., 1990), p.12.
[15]
Ibid p.12.
[16]
Ibid. p.12.
[17]
Ibid. p.12.
[18]
Ibid. p.13.
[19]
Ibid. p.12.
[20]
Ibid. p.12.
[21]
Ibid. p.11.
[22]
Ibid. p.10.
[23] Ibid.
p.11.
[24]
Gauvreau, M., ‘Protestantism Transformed: Personal Piety and the Evangelical
Social Vision, 1815-1867’ in The Canadian
Protestant Experience, 1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co.,
1990), p.60.
[25]
Airhart, P., ‘Ordering a New Nation and Re-ordering Protestantism, 1867-1914’
in The Canadian Protestant Experience,
1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co., 1990), p.99.
[26]
Stackhouse, J., ‘Who Whom? Evangelicalism in Canadian Society’ in Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience,
Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997), p.56.
[27]
Airhart, P., ‘Ordering a New Nation and Re-ordering Protestantism, 1867-1914’ in
The Canadian Protestant Experience,
1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co., 1990), p.119.
[28]
Kee, K., Revivalists: Marketing the
Gospel in English Canada, 1884-1957, (McGill-Queen’s University Press,
2006), p.17.
[29]
Amazing grace 272 Mack, B., ‘Of Canadian Presbyterians and Guardian Angels’ in Amazing Grace: Evangelism in Australia,
Britain, Canada and the United States, Rawlyk, G., & Noll, M., (eds),
(McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994), p.272.
[30] Ibid.
p.272.
[31]
Kee, K., Revivalists: Marketing the
Gospel in English Canada, 1884-1957, (McGill-Queen’s University Press,
2006), p.15.
[32]
Ibid. p.15.
[33]
Ibid. p.18.
[34] Ibid.
p.20.
[35]
Ibid. p.20.
[36]
Ibid. p.20.
[37]
Ibid. p.21.
[38]
Wright, R., ‘The Canadian Protestant Tradition, 1914-1945’ in The Canadian Protestant Experience,
1760-1990, Rawlyk, G., (ed.), (Welch Publishing Co., 1990), p.192.
[39]
Rawlyk, G., Is Jesus Your Personal
Saviour? In Search of Canadian Evangelicalism in the 1990s, (McGill-Queen’s
University Press, 1996), p.10.
[40]
Ibid p.25.
[41]
Ibid. p.29.
[42]
Ibid. p.29.
[43] Pseudonym
[44] Pooley,
J., Interview recorded by email, 17/03/2013.
[45]
Ibid.
[46] Ibid.
[47] Ibid.
[48]
Ibid.
[49] Ibid.
[50] Ibid.
[51]
Ibid.
[53] Ibid.
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